Re: Respektimi i te drejtave te njeriut ne Shqiperine e ......
Shqetesohu me shume per ceshtjen se ku jemi e ku po shkojme sesa ku ishim.Nje keshille e vockel , lexo pak fare neper shtyp ,psh duke filluar nga reportet e plota ,adresat e te cilave i kam postuar te postimi i pare i kesaj teme.
Informohu njehere pastaj eja e na trego per pune votash apo te tilla ...
Kur keto (qe vijojne me poshte) ndodhen , s'ishte Sala ne pushtet , por te njejtet njerez qe jane sot e vazdojne ne qetesine e tyre pa e prishur terezine .
On January 5,1998
police in the town of Fier forcibly
removed an injured citizen, Agron Pasha, from his
hospital bed and reportedly beat him to death; as of
October, no one had been held responsible for the
crime. In February, the former chief of criminal
police in Shkoder, Gjergj Deda, was severely beaten
while in a Tirana prison. In January, the police also
reportedly beat an activist of the opposition
Democratic Party, Petrit Jatchoe, in Kutchova. Also in
January, the chairman of the municipal council in Fier
and member of the Democratic Party, Durim Lekdushi,
was beaten by the police in Vlora.
there were some disturbing
incidents of violence against journalists, and media
sympathetic to the political opposition complained of
restrictions.
In February, the police in Librazhd reportedly beat
two journalists, Rexhep Polisi and Ylli Dosku, because
of their writings. Shortly thereafter, the police in
Elbasan beat Irena Vreto, a correspondent for
Republika newspaper.
In March, the news agency Enter, considered close to
the opposition, complained that its electricity and
telephone lines had been cut. On February 24, the
government pressed charges against Vjollca Vokshi, an
announcer at the pro-DP Radio Kontakt,
fordisseminating misinformation with the intent to
incite panic. During an attack by armed gangs on the
police station in Shkoder two days before, Vokshi had
changed a government statement from “the government
will eliminate the criminals by all means” to “the
government will suppress the revolt in Shkoder with
violence and blood.” The charges were dropped in May.
On September 8, the director of Radio Kontakt, Agron
Bala, was attacked by unknown assailants while leaving
the station’s studio.
The October 1 (1999)municipal elections were seen as a major
test of Albania's fragile democracy. There were some
violent incidents prior to the electoral campaign, as
when four DP activists from the Lezhe region were
pulled over and beaten by masked special police forces
on a road north of Tirana in March. But the fact that
the DP's Sali Berisha was able to hold a peaceful
political rally in May in the southern city of
Vlora-traditionally a SP stronghold-was a sign of some
growing stability. Only a few violent incidents were
reported, a tribute to the government's efforts, as
well as to the restraint of the political parties
themselves.
Several cases of torture and other serious abuse by
the Albanian police in 2001 highlighted the prevalence
of police misconduct, particularly as it concerned
children and opposition activists. A particularly
egregious case involved an eleven-year-old orphan from
Saranda, who was detained on charges later found to be
false. <span style="font-weight: bold">While in custody, the child was beaten, cut
with a knife, and burned with cigarettes. </span> The DP
repeatedly protested the arrests and alleged police
beatings of participants in its political rallies,
which sometimes turned violent. Azgan Haklaj, the head
of the DP branch in Tropoja, was brutally assaulted by
the special police in January 2001 after having been
arrested for his alleged role in a November 2000
attack on the Tropoja police station.
The year saw a continuation of widespread violations
of media freedoms, a problem documented in a
sixty-page Human Rights Watch report published in
June. The report detailed harassment and violent
attacks against journalists, often intended to
suppress critical reporting. Such violence went
largely unpunished, and in a majority of cases the
perpetrators were police officers. The research also
revealed that Albanian defamation laws, and their
application by Albanian courts, fell far short of
international standards. Statutes and courts granted
government officials unacceptable privileges and
special protections. The Human Rights Watch report
identified the unfair allocation of state advertising
and subsidies to the media as another major concern:
government officials were reported to have used their
financial powers to blackmail critical outlets and
unjustly reward media of their liking. The combined
chilling effect of these interferences continued to
handicap the development of a free and professional
media. The pattern was further in evidence in late
October, when the daily Koha Jonë (Our Time) received
an array of financial and labor inspections days after
it published a series of articles critical of Prime
Minister Nano. Later, inspectors were also sent to
several other media critical of the government.
Albania's executive and judicial authorities continued
to fail to combat police violence. Torture and
physical abuse of detainees were widespread and
unpunished. Developments in the case of a minor
brutally tortured by the Saranda police in June 2000
were illustrative of official indifference. In 2000,
protests by human rights groups had caused the
minister of interior to fire the main suspect, police
officer Rrapo Xhavara, and the public prosecutor
started a criminal investigation into the case. Within
months, however, Saranda prosecutors had dropped the
charges for "lack of evidence." In 2001, new protests
by rights groups and high-level interventions by the
Albanian ombudsman forced then-Prosecutor General
Rakipi to reluctantly order the re-opening of the
case. When Xhavara was finally tried under reduced
charges in July 2002, he received an eighteen-month
sentence that was immediately converted to parole. The
conviction did not affect his June 2002 appointment as
commander of Saranda's municipal police.
Albania continued to be a major point of transit and
origin in the regional web of trafficking in human
beings. In 2002, new evidence emerged about the plight of
thousands of trafficked Albanian children subjected to
forced labor, prostitution, use in criminal
activities, adoptions, and possibly organ donations.
Prosecution of traffickers continued to be
the weakest link in the system: only a small fraction
of those arrested by the police were successfully
prosecuted and tried. Even when traffickers were found
guilty, they received prison sentences that were
generally much lower than the new statutory minimum of
seven years.
<span style="font-weight: bold">According to the Department of State
report, "10 per cent of foreign victims trafficked
through Albania reported that police were directly
involved."
</span>
etj etj etj
